4strugglemag

Issue 10: Winter 2008

San Francisco 8 * Hip Hop, Revolution, and Youth * Anti-imperialist struggles in the Basque land (Spain) and the Middle East * Oppression and Resistance

Welcome to our tenth issue. Many readers will be aware that this issue was scheduled to come out last August (07). We ran into some logistical and personal problems, with our extremely hardworking outside comrades. I'm talking about the few key people who do all of the actual production work on the electronic and hard copies. We are glad to finally get number 10 out, and it is full of news and views that were worth the wait.

This is our Winter 08 issue, so we send warm, positive and Revolutionary RED Season's greetings to each and every reader.

Section one has information on the most important political case in America today - the San Francisco 8 case.

Section two continues our discussion on Hip Hop and revolution. Be sure to check out the article on Tupac, written by his father Mutulu Shakur.

Section three has a very informative piece on ETA and the liberation struggle in the Basque country. We also have a detailed and informative revolutionary analysis on Iran.

Section four is loaded with information and ideas on the ongoing resistance to the repression of U.S. imperialism here in America. There is an article by Assata Shakur, on the Prison Industrial Complex. Also articles on Filiberto Ojeda Rios and Puerto Rico, on the Jena 6, the Black Riders in LA, and on Indigenous resistance. We also have a report on the U.S. Social Forum, as well as poignant reflections on captivity.

Hope you find lots of this material useful and thought provoking, and even more importantly, action provoking. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan drag on and people are dying daily. Government repression continues across the U.S., killer cops, overcrowded prisons, court room injustices. During this holiday season, lets not only think of Peace, but act for it too.

Our next issue will be out in April. Issue 11 will include one new and different thing. We will run the entire booklet entitled "A Basic Introduction to Dialectical and Historical Materialism". This training document has been used by various activists and formations over the years, to help people learn and sharpen their skills of revolutionary analysis.

See you in April in issue 11.

Freedom, Justice and
Dynamic Peace!
Jaan Laaman, editor

Thanks to all of our readers and contributors for your patience during the publication delays of the past several months. We've tried to keep this material as timely as possible, but have included a few older updates that we think are important. We're proud to be putting out our tenth issue, and we hope you'll continue to help us make 4strugglemag a strong voice in our social justice movements in 2008. – karen emily and Sara, Montreal ABCF

Table of Contents

The San Francisco 8
Updates on the San Francisco 8
Joint Statement from the San Francisco 8
Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Issue International Call for Justice for the SF8
Berkeley Resolution Calls on Dropping of All Charges Against the SF8
Hip Hop, Revolution, and Youth
The FBI and My Son Tupac, by Mutulu Shakur
Hip Hop: Then, Now and Who’s Behind it by Saddiq Palmer
Untitled (Contribution to the Hip Hop Discussion) by Eusi Moto
Spirit Killer by Akili Castlin
Subliminal by The Welfare Poets
Rappers Need to Speak Out About Political Injustices by Davey D.
Anti-Imperialist Struggles in the Basque Land (Spain) & Middle East
Iran, Neoliberalism, and the Capitalist Crisis by the Iran Solidarity Group
From Siahkal to the People’s Army by Arya Zaheidi
Iraq: The War Grinds On by Jaan Laaman
100,000 March Against Iraq War in Washington from ANSWER
Repression and Resistance
Comandante Filiberto Ojeda Rios – Presente! by Jaan Karl Laaman
Fearless Inspiration by Myriam Ortiz
The Prison Industrial Complex by Assata Shakur
Black Riders Under Attack in Los Angeles by Michael Novick
Black Riders Held on Million Dollars Bail Each from Assata Shakur Forums
The Case of the Jena Six from Democracy Now
Jena, Resistance and Self-Defense by Lumumba Akinwole-Bandele
Support Ward Churchill
Prosecution Seeks Minimum 12 Years of Federal Penitentiary Time
No Olympics on Stolen Land
Intercontinental Anti-2010 Olympics Movement Launched in Mexico
Update from Daniel McGowan by Daniel McGowan
Reflections and Scenes from Inside by Joe Laaman
Report from L.A. Running Down the Walls 2007
A Rumbling in the Belly of the Beast by Robin Hood
Political Prisoners in the United States by Jaan Laaman
The Tradition by Assata Shakur

This issue’s cover illustration is by political prisoner Tom Manning

Section One: The San Francisco Eight

Support the San Francisco 8 Brothers

As 4strugglemag reported in the last issue, this past January eigth Black Panther Party veterans were indicted and arrested for charges relating to the killing of a San Francisco cop in 1971. California courts dismissed this charge against some of these same men in 1975, when it was revealed that police had brutally tortured them during their original arrests.

The government is going full force to railroad these elders-brothers. Part of this is to send these life-long Freedom Struggle workers to prison until they die, and part of it is to try to intimidate younger generations of activists.

The San Francisco 8 case is probably the most important political trial of the last 15 or 20 years. Now, during this period of war and heightened government surveillance and repression, it is both the right thing to do and important for ongoing social and environmental justice, peace and human rights work, that we actively support the SF8 in their struggle for justice and freedom.

Jaan Laaman, editor

Herman Bell, 59, of Mississippi, a political prisoner since 1973. Cointelpro's "pattern of manipulation and lies, continuing into the present, indicates something more than the ordinary corruption and racism of everyday law enforcement. It can be understood only in terms of the power of the political movement that [we] were part of, and the intensity of the government's efforts to destroy that movement and to disillusion and intimidate future generations of young activists." Write to him - 2318931, 850 Bryant Street, San Francisco CA 94103.

Ray Boudreaux, 64, of Altadena. "Actually for the last 25 years I've lived a pretty peaceful and quiet life. My politics are still the same. It's just that I'm not active. People come to me sometimes as a peace-maker. And all of that has to do with all of my experience." Write to him - 2301300, 850 Bryant Street, San Francisco CA 94103.

Richard Brown, 65, of San Francisco. "For the past six years I have been a Community Court Judge Arbitrator working with the San Francisco District Attorney's office. We place a lot of emphasis on restorative justice, so most of the community service done will be done in our own community where the offender can give back to the community." Write to him - 2300819, 850 Bryant Street, San Francisco CA 94103.

Henry W. (Hank) Jones, 70, of Altadena. "I [have lived] under the constant threat of another ... incarceration. In essence I have been robbed of peace of mind, life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I am therefore compelled to resist these tactics and inform the public of my recent experience, feeling that something similar could happen to anyone given the climate of fear, paranoia, and abuse of authority that is rampant in our country today." Write to him - 2301301, 425 Seventh St, San Francisco CA 94103.

Jalil Muntaqim (Anthony Bottom), 55, of San Francisco, a political prisoner in New York since 1978. "The United States does not recognize the existence of political prisoners. To do so would give credence to the fact of the level of repression and oppression, and have to recognize the fact that people resist racist oppression in the United States, and therefore, legitimize the existence of not only the individuals who are incarcerated or have been captured, but also legitimize those movements of which they are a part." Write to him - 2311826, 850 Bryant Street, San Francisco CA 94103.

Richard O'Neal, 58, has worked for the City of San Francisco for 25 years, most recently at the Southeast Community Center in Bay View. “People who work there said they were stunned by his arrest, recalling him as a kind and gentle man who always had a smile on his face and would stay late to fix lights or other things.” (SF Chronicle) The dean of the campus noted, “He is a trusted employee who would do anything to help us...He would take the shirt off his back to try to help you.” Richard has been charged with “conspiracy.” Write to him - 2300818, 850 Bryant Street, San Francisco CA 94103.

Harold Taylor, 58, of Panama City. "In 1971, two brothers and I were set up by the FBI. We didn't learn about COINTELPRO until years later. In 1973 I was arrested in New Orleans and was beaten and tortured for several days. in 2003 the detectives that were responsible for my torture came to my house to try and question me. I have not been the same since." Write to him - 2305584, 850 Bryant Street, San Francisco, CA 94103.

Francisco Torres, 58, of New York City. Cisco born in Puerto Rico and raised in this country. He is a Vietnam Veteran who fought for the grievances of Black and Latino soldiers upon his return to the states. A fomer Black Panther, he has been a community activist since his discharge from the military in 1969. Write to him - 2307534, 850 Bryant Street, San Francisco, CA 94103.

Updates

Six Out on Bail

Francisco Torres was freed on bail September 21! He is the last of those eligible for bail. Hank Jones was freed on bail September 18. Harold Taylor was freed on bail September 12. Ray Boudreaux was freed on bail September 11. Richard O'Neal was freed on bail Wednesday, August 29 and Richard Brown was freed on bail Thursday, August 30.

Unfortunately, neither Herman Bell nor Jalil Muntaqim is eligible for bail even though they are both parole-eligible in New York State. Both have served over 30 years in various prisons for their political ideas, commitments and their participation in the Black Liberation Struggle.

Court Update: September 11

20 students from Met West high School in Oakland joined jubilant and now released SF8 defendants Richard Brown and Richard O'Neal and dozens of supporters in the hallway of the SF Courthouse. Many warm embraces were exchanged between the two Richards and supporters who had been corresponding and visiting them at the jail through glass and over jail phones.

Conspiracy Count Dropped against Five of the San Francisco Eight! On January 10, 2008, Judge Philip Moscone officially accepted an amended complaint by the prosecution in the San Francisco 8 trial today – in effect completely dropping charges against Richard O’Neal who was only charged with conspiracy. While he faces no further legal prosecution in the case, Richard was immediately served with a subpoena to testify at the preliminary hearing scheduled for April 21.

Conspiracy charges dropped due to statute of limitations: Ray Boudreaux, Richard Brown, Hank Jones, and Harold Taylor are now accused only of the alleged murder in 1971 of SF Police Sergeant John Young. The conspiracy counts were dropped against all five brothers when defense motions correctly challenged the charges on the grounds that the statute of limitations on charges of conspiracy in California (three years) had expired. The conspiracy allegations include several acts alleged to have taken place from 1968 to 1973.

Next court date February 7: A new court date was scheduled for Thursday, February 7th when arguments will be made to drop the remaining conspiracy charges against Herman Bell, Jalil Muntaqim (Anthony Bottom) and Francisco Torres. The prosecution claims that because the three men were not in California the statute of limitations does not apply. "This is a ridiculous argument," according to defense attorney Stuart Hanlon, "as these men were forcefully removed from the state against their will by being imprisoned. Following his acquittal on charges in New York State, Cisco Torres was living in New York City. All three were consistently available to California State prosecutors."

Formal pleas a year later: Almost a year after they were charged and arrested, all eight of the brothers formally entered NOT GUILTY pleas to all of the charges.

This same case dropped in 1975: Former San Francisco District Attorney Thomas Norman was not available to testify at this hearing due to health issues. He was originally sought to explain why this same case was dropped in 1975 when he decided that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute the case. So-called “confessions” made when several brothers were arrested, tortured, and forced to sign police-scripted statements were deemed inadmissible in the 1970s. Attempts to secure Norman’s complete notes and files will be made in time for the February 7th hearing.

Harold Taylor remains free on bail: California prosecutors re-raised a request to increase bail for Harold Taylor. Florida prosecutors filed charges in December against Taylor for the alleged purchase of a controlled substance. Judge Moscone was clear that although this was the case, the dropping of the conspiracy charges against him in San Francisco cancelled out the seriousness of the Florida matter – so bail will remain the same.

Growing support: A large crowd of San Francisco 8 supporters had to wait outside in the hallway of the San Francisco Courthouse today after police officers were given early access to seats in Judge Moscone’s court. The courtroom was nevertheless overwhelmingly packed with supporters and high energy as this major unraveling of the prosecution’s case unfolded. All of the brothers felt positive about the legal developments and the growing level of public support for them.

The government's case is falling apart

This is a major victory in this case which rests on statements coerced under torture. "This is the first step in the government's case falling apart," Hanlon said.

Committee for the Defense of Human Rights

Joint Statement from the San Francisco Eight

We, the San Francisco 8, would like to send this joint statement extending our heartfelt gratitude and appreciation to all our friends and supporters. As many of you know, this COINTELPRO persecution has been on-going for nearly 36 years. However, in the last few years, in accord with the implementation of the Patriot Act, state and federal authorities initiated plans to stifle political dissent, particularly targeting young activists. Similarly, COINTELPRO's objective was to "… expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize the activities of Black nationalist, hate type organizations and groupings, their leadership, spokesmen, membership, and supporters, and to counter their propensity for violence and civil disorder …" (COINTELPRO memo of August 25, 1967).

The FBI not only targeted the Black Panther Party, but according to this COINTELPRO memo: "Intensified attention under this program should be afforded to the activities of such groups as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, Revolutionary Action Movement, the Deacons for Defense and Justice, Congress of Racial Equality, and the Nation of Islam. Particular emphasis should be given to extremists who direct the activities and policies of revolutionary or militant groups such as Stokely Carmichael, H. "Rap" Brown, Elijah Muhammad, and Maxwell Stanford." By March 4, 1968, COINTELPRO was in full operation leading to directing its full attention to the Black Panther Party to prohibit the BPP from developing durable long-term political and organizational relationships with various segments of the Black community.

This case represents the continuation of that COINTELPRO objective, to further indicate how the government will persecute today's activists. The government is seeking to rewrite the history of struggle as exemplified by the BPP, venomously trying to define that legacy of struggle as a "terrorist" movement.

We vehemently reject that labeling, as the government attempts to characterize the San Francisco 8 as "terrorists," "criminals," and "wanton killers." They will never say the SF8 were political activists and progressive civil/human rights organizers. They will never say they sought to relieve the community of all forms of state sponsored terrorism that is often found in Black, Asian and Latino communities today. They will never admit to the unconstitutional practices of the FBI COINTELPRO activities, despite the 1974 Senate Church Committee findings condemning those practices. Furthermore, they will never seek to establish remedies for those who are victims of the illegal FBI and local police actions under COINTELPRO, and now under the Patriot Act, if we don't demand they do so.

It is with this understanding the SF8 are issuing this joint statement, calling for friends and supporters to organize a national determination to ensure our victory. Ours will be a victory against fear and state terrorism; it will be a defeat against state torture tactics, threats and coercion.

This case and our call for action will teach today's activists what to expect from the state in its efforts to suppress dissent and protest of government repression. Indeed, this task will forward a broader understanding of what happened in the Movement of the 60s and 70s, and how COINTELPRO disrupted and destroyed the most viable Black political party that emerged out of the civil rights movement. Ultimately, what is here proposed will tell of a youth movement and how the government sought to undermine and destroy it. The proposal will expose how the government seeks to retaliate because those youth (who are now Elders) did in fact challenge the system of racist oppression. They not only challenged oppressive conditions in our collective communities, but also worked to support all oppressed peoples fighting against colonialism and imperialism at that time.

This case evolves out of a history of political struggle in this country, and it is our duty to fulfill that mission by expressing what happened then, and COINTELPRO's negative impact on today's social movements. Therefore, while we engage in a legal battle in the courtroom, it is imperative we urge our friends and supporters to extend the political front in the various communities. We must reach out to the various street organizations and youth groups, the animal and earth liberation groups, women's rights and LGBT forums, the immigration rights struggles, and the many ethnic communities who are struggling for a better life in this country.

Hence, the course of the overall struggle to win the release of the San Francisco 8 requires a broad political determination, reaching beyond the important legal issues of the case. For example, the question of torture, COINTELPRO, and matters of reconciliation are essential to this case. Therefore, a successful national campaign in support of the SF8 requires friends and supporters to achieve the following objectives:

1. Anti-Torture Legislation:

In 1909, the Niagara Movement evolved into the NAACP led by W.E.B. Dubois. The principal platform of the NAACP at that time was a struggle to forge an anti-lynching movement. Today, torture in its many forms has become a scourge in America: there is the inhumane use of restraint chairs in jails and prisons, an especially despicable device reminiscent of medieval torture mechanisms; there has been an increase in use of the taser as a weapon to induce confessions and control prisoners, resulting in many deaths, another inhumane torture device. In the case of the SF8, law enforcement officers employed similar torture techniques, including those used in Vietnam and in Abu Ghraib by U.S. military personnel. The use of torture permeates all facets of the so-called "criminal justice system."

Obviously, like the old anti-lynching platform of the NAACP, the San Francisco 8 call for a national campaign demanding anti-torture legislation on local levels (city councils and state legislatures). The SF8 hold that any form of interrogation that employs the use of water boarding, simulated drowning techniques, cattle prods, tasers, restraint chairs, physical beatings, sensory and sleep deprivation, and psychological coercion must be deemed inhumane and criminal. Therefore, the San Francisco 8 call for all progressive and peace loving people to join in a national campaign on city, state and congressional levels for proclamations and legislation outlawing all forms of torture.

2. Reopen COINTELPRO Hearings:

It is well known that the FBI targeted the Black Panther Party for annihilation under the secret counter-intelligence program (COINTELPRO). The FBI COINTELPRO effort resulted in the assassination, criminalization, vilification, and the splitting of the BPP leading to its destruction, with many BPP members today languishing in prisons. The FBI COINTELPRO actions worked in alliance with police departments across the country, and today, the Patriot Act has legalized much of what were illegal COINTELPRO practices. In 1974, the Senate Church Committee investigating the illegal FBI COINTELPRO activities declared such practices unconstitutional. However, the Senate Church Committee failed to create remedies for those who suffered from the unconstitutional practices of the FBI and police departments.

Subject to that reality, the San Francisco 8 hereby call for a national movement for the reopening of COINTELPRO hearings. We, the SF8, urge friends and supporters to phone/fax/write to John Conyers, Chair of the Judiciary Committee in Congress, and appeal for him to conduct public hearings on why victims of COINTELPRO languish in prison over 30 years after it was declared unconstitutional. We, the SF8, ask friends and supporters to contact your congressional representative, Congressional Black Caucus members and other elected officials urging them to enable John Conyers to reopen COINTELPRO hearings.

3. Truth and Reconciliation Commission:

At the conclusion of hostilities in the struggle to end apartheid in South Africa, many progressive forces took a path to resolve potential antagonisms subject to racial, socioeconomic and political strife during the decades of apartheid. That path led to the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, principally led by the Honorable Bishop Desmond Tutu.

In the United States, people of Afrikan descent suffered the trauma of chattel slavery, Black Codes, Jim Crow segregation laws, political repression and state terrorism under the auspices of COINTELPRO. However, unlike South Africa, at no time has there been a national determination to resolve political, social or economic antagonisms born out of centuries/decades of racial strife.

In recent years, as a result of the reparations movement, some corporations, cities and states have issued apologies for having been involved in the Atlantic slave trade. Despite these apologies, the systemic inequities prevail with devastating consequences on every vestige of life confronting the majority of people of Afrikan descent in America.

The San Francisco 8 understand that these historic dynamics perpetuate social-cultural determinants that inhibit the necessary psychological inducements towards self-reliance and self-determination. Therefore, we are calling for progressive peoples to open dialogue and begin the process towards organizing a national Truth and Reconciliation Commission to address these inequities. We believe such a Commission could serve as a catalyst to forge substantial resolutions to heal America's racial trauma.

In conclusion, it is these three areas of concern we jointly agree will empower a national campaign to virtually expose the negative impact of both COINTELPRO and the Patriot Act. We call for all progressive peoples in support of the San Francisco 8 and all U.S. political prisoners to find the means to organize committees and coalitions to implement this proposal on local and national levels.

Again, we, the San Francisco 8, extend our heartfelt appreciation for your solidarity and support. Let us, together, build a sustainable and durable initiative that redresses civil and human rights violations, as we organize to win the freedom of the San Francisco 8.

Free All U.S. Political Prisoners!
The San Francisco 8

Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Issue International Call for Justice for the San Francisco 8

Friday, November 30, 2007

At a press conference held at the InterChurch Center, World Council of Churches representative Lois M. Dauway officially released the International Call on the San Francisco Eight, a document drafted to bring the attention and the solidarity of the global peace and human rights community to the case. The Call, currently signed by three Nobel Peace laureates and two activists in leadership positions with Nobel peace prize winning organizations, is based on internationally recognized principles of prisoner rights, human rights, and against all forms of torture. Dauway, a senior executive of the Women's Division of the United Methodist Church, stated: "The time has come to set free those who have been bound. The case of the SF8 requires all of us to come together, and take an active stand for justice for all U.S. political prisoners."

In addition to Nobel peace related and church organizations, the International Call will bring world-wide and key regional associations into direct contact with the Committee in Defense of Human Rights, and other groups working on behalf of the SF8. Intended also as a tool for local activists within the U.S. to help reach out to local religious and community based organizations, the Call will eventually be used to put pressure on both federal and local California authorities to see that justice is done for all members of the Eight, and all who have suffered torture at the hands of the U.S. criminal justice system. Call organizer and War Resisters International activist Matt Meyer reported that interest in the Call has already been generated amongst the founders of the Nobel Women's Initiative, in academic circles, and in key constituencies across three continents. "We have a great opportunity," he noted, "and a great responsibility to bring news of this case far beyond our usual circles, until justice is finally done."

The full text of the International Call follows, with current signers:

International Call on the San Francisco 8

Initiated by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Nobel Peace Laureate 1984, and Mairead Corrigan Maguire, Nobel Peace Laureate 1976

Given our commitment to and history in the global justice and human rights movements,

Given our commitment to reconciliation between peoples and governments,

Given that the U.S. government and Federal Bureau of Investigation has been shown, through past U.S. Congressional hearings and legal proceedings, to have been involved in illegal policing activities against civil and human rights organizations;

Given that these illegal activities, epitomized by the FBI Counter Intelligence Programs (COINTELPRO), targeted the Black Panther Party, and appears to have an ongoing presence;

Given that eight former Black Panthers – men now all in their fifties, sixties, and seventies – were arrested on January 23, 2007;

Given that these arrests were based on charges related to a 1971 murder, a murder investigated and brought to court in 1975 with the charges dismissed;

Given that no new evidence has been uncovered, and that the alleged evidence in the 1973 investigation was thrown out of court due to a judicial finding that statements were made under conditions of extreme torture, including: electric shock, cattle prods, beatings, sensory deprivation, plastic bags and hot, wet blankets for asphyxiation; and

Given that these new charges amount to little more than continued governmental harassment, violating basic principles set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the United Nations Convention against Torture;

We call on all appropriate legal and governmental authorities to:

investigate and end all incidents of torture within the U.S. criminal justice system;

drop all current charges for all eight men in question, namely: Herman Bell, Ray Boudreaux, Richard Brown, Henry W. (Hank) Jones, Jalil Muntaqim (Anthony Bottom), Richard O'Neal, Harold Taylor, and Francisco Torres;

convene official investigations into the ongoing legacy and possible continued operation of COINTELPRO and similar programs, with an eye towards true reconciliation and human rights based on internationally recognized standards and principles; and release immediately, on humanitarian grounds, Herman Bell and Jalil Muntaqim (Anthony Bottom)-each of whom have served over thirty years of disproportionately long sentences based on the COINTELPRO criminalization of the Black Panther Party and the U.S. civil rights movement.

The Most Reverend Dr. Desmond Mpilo Tutu,
Archbishop Emeritus of Cape Town, Primate of the Church of the Province of Southern Africa;
Nobel Peace Laureate 1984

Mairead Corrigan Maguire, Community of Peace People, Northern Ireland; Nobel Peace Laureate 1976

Betty Williams, Community of Peace People, Northern Ireland; Nobel Peace Laureate 1976

Darryl Jordan, Director-American Friends Service Committee* Third World Coalition
(AFSC received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1947)

William Wardlaw, Executive Director's Leadership Council, Amnesty International/USA* (Amnesty International received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977)

Marie Dennis, Co-President, Pax Christi International; Director-Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns

Lois M. Dauway, Women's Division, Global Ministries, United Methodist Chuch; Central Committee member, World Council of Churches

* Organizations listed for identification purposes only

For more information on the International Call, contact: Matt Meyer, War Resisters International, 339 Lafayette Street, NY 10012 USA, mmmsrnb@igc.org; and the Committee for the Defense of Human Rights.

About the Committee for Defense of Human Rights

The mission of the Committee for Defense of Human Rights is to draw attention to human rights abuses perpetrated by the government of the United States and law enforcement authorities which were carried out in an effort to destroy progressive organizations and individuals. By building coalitions with organizations and groups that advocate for human and civil rights, CDHR hopes to bring an end to these abuses. CDHR's basic principles are set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the United Nations Convention against Torture.

Mission Statement

The mission of the Committee for Defense of Human Rights is to oppose human rights abuses perpetrated by the government of the United States and law enforcement authorities. These abuses continue to be carried out in an effort to destroy progressive organizations and individuals. CDHR hopes to build coalitions with organizations and groups that advocate for human and civil rights. CDHR's basic principles are set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the United Nations Convention against Torture.

Objective

The primary objective of CDHR is the full implementation of the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Human rights are inalienable, universal and not subject to the discretion of governments or policy makers. CDHR believes there are universal principles encompassing human rights regardless of the political or social structures of governments. It is essential that universal human rights be made binding.

Committee for the Defense of Human Rights
P.O. Box 90221 Pasadena, CA 91109

(415) 226-1120
E-mail: freethesf8@riseup.net

Berkeley Resolution Calls on Dropping of All Charges Against The SF8

Calling ON THE Attorney General of the State of California to dismiss ALL charges against the San Francisco 8. Endorsed by the City Council of Berkeley, CA on November 6, 2007 (Vote of 8 to 1, 1 abstention)

WHEREAS, the Peace and Justice Commission advises the City Council on all matters relating to the City of Berkeley's role in issues of peace and social justice (Berkeley Municipal Code (BMC) Chapter 3.69.070); and

WHEREAS, Herman Bell, Ray Boudreaux, Richard Brown, Henry (Hank) Jones, Jalil Muntaqim (Anthony Bottom), Richard O'Neal, Harold Taylor and Francisco Torres, collectively known as the San Francisco 8, are a group of community activists who have devoted their lives to serving the people and making a difference and are fathers, grandfathers, and even great grandfathers; and

WHEREAS, all of these men were members or associates of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, a primary target in the FBI's illegal COINTELPRO program, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, designed to destroy and disrupt a number of progressive organizations and individuals; and

WHEREAS, in 1973, three Black activists were tortured by New Orleans police and interrogated by two San Francisco detectives at intervals between the torture, which lasted several days, during which the three men were separated from each other, stripped naked, covered with wool blankets soaked in boiling water, beaten with slapjacks, suffocated with plastic bags tied over their heads, sleep deprived, kicked, beaten and shocked with electric cattle prods on their genitals, anus and under the neck; and

WHEREAS, statements resulting from that torture were used to bring charges in the mid-1970s in several jurisdictions (including charges for the 1971 killing of a San Francisco Police Officer), and all of them were dismissed when the judges learned of the coercion; and

WHEREAS, after 36 years, new charges were brought against the San Francisco 8 based on the "evidence" of the same confessions obtained under torture in 1973; and

WHEREAS, the people of Berkeley believe in justice and not in persecution.

NOW THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that the Council of the City of Berkeley states publicly that evidence acquired under torture is abhorrent to civilized people, and not reliable, and urges the Attorney General to dismiss all charges against the San Francisco 8 where evidence has been gained by torture, and sends a letter to the Attorney General conveying this Resolution.

Section Two: Hip-hop, Youth and Revolution

Hip Hop, Revolution and Youth

It is a reality of life and of revolution that liberation and change will come largely from the courage and work of young people. In the last 3 issues of 4struggle we've been having an ongoing debate about youth, culture, political prisoners, prisoners of consciousness, and revolution. A lot of thoughtful and insightful discussion has gone on so far. In this issue we continue the debate, including words on Tupac, written by his father, Dr. Mutulu Shakur, who is a political prisoner in Atlanta Penitentiary.

We encourage and welcome more feedback on everything said so far. While this began and continues with a focus on hip hop, we invite reggae, punk, reggaton and other music sets to contribute also.

COMMUNICATE TO EDUCATE -- EDUCATE TO LIBERATE Jaan Laaman, editor

The FBI and My Son Tupac

by Mutulu Shakur
from BLU (www.blumag.com)
August 2000

Cultural expression is the first stage of a People's Resistance.

Culture speaks to the very base of the people's awareness, and awareness creates a collaboration against aggression and oppression. At this point in history, the bottom line is that young people dominate the expression of rebellion and resistance in their struggle against the pain and toward mental, physical, and spiritual liberation.

The assassination of Tupac Amaru Shakur and Notorious Biggie Small is an indication that progressive rappers from the New African nation will be targets of COINTELPRO as long as they continue to effect the hearts and minds of our young souls. It's very important that the hip hop and funk jazzz dwellers understand the specific role CONINTELPRO played in our movement, and what effects that tactic will have on efforts to organize. COINTELPRO is a serious military strategy against an unconscious, divided civilian population. It's important to understand our enemy but never have fear. Our counterattack must be based on a historical analysis that captures the highs and lows of the historical struggle waged by sisters and brothers of the Black Liberation Movement.

There is no question of Tupac's impact on the hip hop generation and on the social political attitudes of many youth and the disposition of many street crews.

Whatever may be said about my son and a few others, there was never a loss for political analysis and social evaluation in his albums.

There was always a political discussion of his movement, the hiphop generation, and he continued to give explanations and descriptions as opposed to just glorification of the dynamic of the street reality. I have an obligation to speak of Tupac's influence as it concerns Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War. The Shakur family's continued struggle for liberation of our people has led to many of its members being Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War. For this reason, it was natural for Tupac to ally with the lockdown and demand that his peers support Sekou, Mumia, Geronimo, and others. It was also natural for him to understand the best character of street life and to struggle with the negative. That's why he and I push for "the code of the thug life."

The natural response to the void left by the struggle waged in the Black Liberation movement and other political movements is the emergence of an aggressive belligerent youth response to the oppressive social condition. Without political leadership, the focus of that aggression splintered.

The fact that many people of various ages and cultures have some understanding of the joy and pain of the present condition of oppressed people and awareness of Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War is because Tupac and rappers of the hip hop nation have established rap as the revolutionary culture.

We strongly believe that our future is in the hands of the young folks.

We have not forgotten as Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War why we were prepared to sacrifice.

Now is a very important period for the struggle. In order to lead, you must establish some guidelines and principles of unity and character, a character that comes from a revolutionary culture. Then when we say to the street crews and underworld dwellers to create a code and stand on it, we know it can help to bring the unity we need on an international level for our next generation.

It is your duty to free the Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War of our movement. You have to unravel the self-destruction and give voice to the pain caused by the combination of oppression and horizontal aggression, as Tupac did. If we do, we will change the condition of our people. We believe in the strength given us through the spirit of our ancestors and our martyrs who sacrificed for our future.

We give honor to Tupac Amaru Shakur.

All Power to rappers in the Hip Hop Nation who dare to Struggle.

Freedom which comes from struggle is the truest liberation.

Stiff resistance

Dr. Mutulu Shakur
83205-012
Box PMB
USP Atlanta, GA 30315

(In 1987 acupuncturist and community health care worker Mutulu Shakur was sentenced to 60 years by the federal government, for his role in the Black Liberation Movement. The government alleged 0,A, that he was a BLA (Black Liberation Army) commander who liberated Assata Shakur from a NJ prison, among other actions in behalf of Black people and the Freedom Struggle).

Hip Hop: Then, Now and Who’s Behind It

by Saddiq Palmer

Humble salutation to all revolutionary elements who are consciously and strategically executing political activism to effectuate and three dimensionalize the political hypocrisy of this shit-tem that is attributed capitalist imperialism.

In the last two issues of 4strugglemag there have been extensive discussions on the state of hip hop and the direction it is heading. Me, myself is considered a component of this so-called hip hop generation. The question was posed and answered, what is hip hop? Brother Akili simply stated that hip hop is the peoples’ music, and rightfully so. Hip hop “was” the revolutionary vehicle employed to manifest the hellish conditions of the oppressed commune. It was an idea that was born from the womb of capitalist oppression.

Before I further indulge in this discussion of hip hop, let me pose a few more questions. What is hip hop doing today? And what is the future of hip hop? Who was behind hip hop when it was in its embryonic stage? And who is behind it now that it has blossomed into a worldwide phenomenon?

We can’t deny the fact that ninety-nine percent of hip hop music is composed of un-revolutionary elements that are subliminally liquidating the minds of this generation. There’s a saying that you are what you eat – mentally and physically. The masses are less conscious now than they were in the sixties, seventies and mid-eighties. Hip hop here and now has been taken over and is being directed by the capitalist corporations, principally to dumb down those who are considered to be “the generation few.” In every generation there are always a select few that are mentally acute in apprehending the system and its functions, not only in a domestic, but also on a global level.

The rapper Nas stated that hip hop is dead. I wouldn’t go so far as to say hip hop is utterly dead. Hip hop is “virtually” dead upliftment-wise. Some may put up the un-winnable argument that hip hop in its present state has helped brothers and sisters come up out of the quagmire of society. That’s true. A rich man who is not conscious of the world he’s living in is no different from the dumb bum who just won the lottery. If you are a conscious rapper ninety-nine percent of the time the masses won’t know who you are. Why? Because the message of revolution entails change and transformation. The big capitalist music corporations who are the enforcers of capitalist ideals have diverted the music from its natural course. The natural course of hip hop is to enlighten the people and that’s why Brother Akili stated that it is the peoples’ music.

Hip hop has made its quantitative step, but has yet to make its qualitative evolution. Music is a force that motivates the mind to think (make motion) negatively or positively. The capitalist music industry knows this, that’s why any music that Pellucidly explains and exposes this parasitic system of capitalism is made. The capitalist used every ounce of his energy to counteract this revolutionary message with a barrage of unconscious music. So, instead of fighting the power, the vast majority of hip hop is in the promotion of promiscuity, shaking your booty, alcoholism, and sightlessness. Some rappers rapped about drinking nothing but bubbly and Moet. Others rapped about all the jewels they got around their necks, but not the jewels you should put in your head. This is the strategic agenda of these capitalist corporations. They’re promoting blind causes and fantastic irrationality. We must not remain oblivious to this deception and chicanery. We must architecturalize a means by which we can get the rappers to ameliorate the music with the supreme objective of combating illiteracy and the astronomical Cain complex (rivalry, competition, aggression, or destructive impulses directed against a brother) image that is rampant in the oppressed milieu.

In conclusion, let me pose a few questions to all you 4strugglemag readers:

What are we doing to improve the conditions of this oppressive biosphere that we’re living in? How can we here and now be a valuable component of this so-called hip hop generation? What is a hip hop generation?

In the name and spirit of Jonathan Jackson!

Saddiq Palmer, #W62664
P.O. Box 100
South Walpole, MA 02071

Untitled (Contribution to the Hip Hop Discussion)

by Eusi Moto

I would like to address the issue of how the Hip-hop Generation (HHG), my generation, can continue the struggle. However, before I do I would like to address two things: the so-called rift between the HHG and the Civil Rights Generation (CRG) and the divide between the HHG itself, so that those who do not know can have a better understanding of what’s really going on.

First, every generation is usually divided within itself and is usually at odds with the generations before and after it. For example, the revolutionaries of the 60s and 70s who joined the Revolutionary Movement (RM) have/had different agendas than the Civil Rights Movement (CRM). Are they both not part of the same generation? These two movements (RM and CRM) are never confused for each other although they were active simultaneously.

With that said, there is no rift between the HHG and the CRG. The rift is between ideologies, not generations. There are four main issues: first, most of the HHG identifies with the RM, not the CRM. Secondly, those from the CRM keep talking about passing the torch as if participation in the struggle has an age limit. Thirdly, the HHG has grown up hearing the CRM pat themselves on the back acting like they won something… [illegible]. Finally, the CRM constantly criticizes the HHG saying that we have no direction and that we are not involved in anything positive. How wrong they are.

For those who say that the HHG has no direction ask yourself, who left us directionless? Then ask who never informed us about the revolutionaries who really fought for us? Who insists they made progress while racism, classism, oppression and corruption are more rampant than ever? The HHG is not stupid; we know that the CRM chose to monkey down when things got thick because those who chose to guerrilla up were promptly tortured, assassinated, and/or forced to live in hiding. It is very obvious that the CRM does not want to admit that they were appeased and lost their marching-protest-nonviolent complaint.

As for the next issue, most people have no clue that the HHG is divided and has been so for quite some time. There are those into lyrics, spoken-word, and other aspects of Hip-hop Culture. They are Hip-hop Heads (Heads). Then there are those who basically like rap music, mainly gangsta-rap and club bangas. They are Rap Cats; they’re into the Rap Industry (RI). There is a big difference between the two philosophies.

Heads are into education and entertainment (edutainment). They seek to enlighten, perpetuate the culture, and balance rap music. While Rap Cats blow with the wind. Whatever is in fashion at the moment, they will push. They do not care about the message being pushed. So long as they make money. Rap Cats will perpetuate any stereotype. Rap Cats push pimp-drug-and-gangsta songs, while Heads are kept out of the media so that mainstream society has no clue that there is a real difference between Hip-Hop Culture and the RI. For example, rapper G Murder said in a song that he is “into hardcore gangsta-rap fuck Hip-Hop.” Yet, non-Heads do not notice statements like these.

Rap Cats have all of the connections with the media. They are heavily backed by corporations. When Hip-hop is blamed for something that the RI did, no Head is ever presented by the media to talk; it is always someone from the RI. The oppressors use capitalist rogues to blind youngsters, i.e. Russell Simmons is universally accepted as the godfather of Hip-hop when in reality he is the godfather of the RI. He and others teach youngsters how to dress, talk, and get rich in the RI. They have no real substance outside of making money and any revolutionary will tell you that’s the basis of all oppression.

We must realize that unlike jazz, rock, blues and old timey country, the oppressors cannot claim Hip-hop in any fashion so they did the next best thing. They used rogues to commercialize Hip-hop and keep its true message hidden. The RI is Hip-hop cancer; it ignores the fact that Hip-hop rose out of the ashes after the oppressors decided to expedite the inner city’s demise by assassinating all revolutionary-minded people. Hip-hop is/was the alternative to self-destruction that is kept ever-present in the cities, drugs, gangs and guns (learn about the meetings, held by Hip-hop legends, to end their gang wars and how Hip-hop legends Charlie Chase and Afrika Bambataa made peace at a party during Hip-hop’s infancy).

Now, to address Akili’s question. First we must make sure that as many people as possible know the game. Like Public Enemy says in “Fight the Power,” “People we are not the same because we didn’t know the game.” We have to challenge all of those who have grown up during the RI dynasty (1990-present) to take a stance and stop participating in their own oppression.

Explain to youngsters that S.E.C. and A.C.C. universities along with Notre Dame should not be supported in any fashion. Ole Miss uses Confederate Rebels as its mascots. Who does not know what Confederacy stands for? Kentucky basketball is played in Adolf Rupp Arena. Adolf Rupp hated Blacks. Alabama glorifies Paul Bryant, who only let Blacks play football after USCs running back (Anthony Davis) ran all over his team and he said that he had to get him one of those (a Black player). Like these S.E.C. schools, A.C.C. schools treat non-white athletes as commodities and use them to fill their trophy cases, while they continue to praise the Confederacy. Notre Dame is a Catholic school. Although America is blamed it was several popes who dehumanized Africans and erased Africans from history.

We have to simplify things; for example, ask if a Jew attend a university whose mascot is the Nazis and their stadium/arena is named after Adolf Hitler? The answer is no. So why should non-racists be any different? We should not.

Youngsters have to understand and we have to force the issue: so long as institutions praising racists and racist ideologies exist, said institutions are to be seen as the enemy. There can be no compromises. Stop buying their apparel, attending their games and accepting scholarship to schools like those in the S.E.C, A.C.C., and Notre Dame because they support racist entities throughout this country. We have to teach youngsters how to listen to what is being said. Baseball’s racist era is called its golden era. What’s being said there? How can so many people be offended by steroids but not racism? They continue to talk about how great Babe Ruth was, yet only steroids deserve an asterisk? It’s time to make it clear that this is not all right. Stop buying baseball apparel. The HHG has to end its fashion ties with America’s racist sports entities because all of these entities send one message… “there is nothing wrong with being racist.” The HHG can start by spreading the word and taking the actions mentioned above.

-Pelican Bay State Prison

Spirit Killer

by Akili

Someone run tell Mr. Hughes, i know what happens
to a dream deferred;
it chafes the heart,
till your blood boils, burns. Fermenting in your gut
a thousand 'rotten apples' become poverty's
witch's brew
which doesn't inebriate; lighten your mood.
It plays with your mind silently hissing at you;
"i'm everything u coulda been had u listened to me!"
It's an emanation around your reflection,
a somnambulist rattling contemptuous chains.
A generation of black souls pigeon-holed in
oppression's calaboose.
A dream deferred is unrequited love, passion refused,
A Spirit Killer,
Red, White and Blue!

A. Castlin (J-99402)
C11-220
PBSP
P.O. Box 7500
Crescent City CA
USA 95532

In Continuation of the Hip-Hop Discussion

by Haramia Ki Nassor

This discussion is one of the most important of our time. I believe thus far it’s been overlooked and neglected, but perhaps through this gathering of minds we can propel it into the true light it deserves.

Everything that’s been said thus far is good! In fact there’s an abundance of sub-topics that we seriously need to get to soon like: acknowledging POCs/politicized prisoners, building a serious network for POW/POC/PP mobilization, tapping into the usefulness of street functions, and plucking out the “cancers” (frauds) in our Movement. Let’s return to this, but we’ll zone in on hip-hop for now.

I believe the most important thing that must take place first is our people/strugglers must realize that every generation has a trend that makes it unique/powerful. If this is neglected then the tool needed to build will be overlooked. In the early 1900s the Communist movement was a strong vibe; in the 60s and 70s the Black Power movement and the civil rights movements changed the tide; the hippie movement was very influential; in the 80s rock n’ roll created a buzz; and now hip-hop/rap is holding center stage.

The key is grasping a hold of the powerful trends. It’s about being strategic over what we personally like. This is exactly what V.I. Lenin explained about Marxism. It’s not important to worry about labels – just focus on the points! He said:

“Marxism demands an absolutely historical Examination of the question of the forms of struggle.

At different stages of economic evolution, depending on differences in political, national-cultural, living and other conditions, different forms of struggle come to the fore and become the principal forms of struggle; and in connection with this, the secondary, auxiliary forms of the struggle undergo change in their turn.

Marxism demands an attentive attitude to the mass struggle in progress, which, as the movement develops, as the class consciousness of the masses grows, as economic and political crises become acute, continually gives rise to new and more varied methods of defense and attack.” -V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, II

The bottom line of the above is this – no matter how much we carry Malcolm, Fidel, Pantherism, etc. in our hearts we must come to terms with what the vibe is and what is useful/powerful today.

Which leads us to hip-hop. Outside of religion I don’t think a more influential force exists. Show me one trend/culture that has taken people from the Americas, Europe, Asia (and places in between) by storm like this. Point being – we can now move beyond philosophizing about hip-hop’s impact. We know the influence it has on our youth, we see its economical power and recently with P. Diddy’s “Vote or Die” we saw its political potential. Here’s the game plan…

All of us who are conscious – on the inside and out – must begin to take an aggressive stance on artists. We can no longer look at hip-hop like a game, some young folk thing – it’s too powerful. This needs to be approached with the same intensity as Tubman with the underground railroad, the Panthers when they stormed the courthouse, King on the Selma March and so on.

As with any movement a vanguard needs to be built, and I have that blueprint.

In 2004 myself and three other death row comrades took a chance and reached out to a grassroots group of artists called the Welfare Poets (out of New York). In fighting the death penalty we knew we had to begin to touch the youth (who are obviously disenchanted by the many bougie-type groups out there) and also needed to tap into the areas and people most affected by the death penalty – the poor and people of color. What better way than through community activists, poets, musicians and rappers? It was a roll of the dice, but we hit a natural. The response was positive and in two months time the Welfare Poets were flying to Texas to participate in a march on the capitol. We haven’t looked back since.

After continual work and collaboration, in late 2006, the Welfare Poets dropped a compilation called “Cruel and Unusual Punishment: a hip-hop compilation to abolish the death penalty” which features a wide variety of serious and conscious artists such as Abiodun (of the Legendary Last Poets – NYC), (Ghana/NYC); Chosan (Sierra Leone/London/NYC); Jav'lin (Amsterdam); Truth Universal (New Orleans) and Wise Intelligent (of Poor Righteous Teachers - NJ), to name a few. See www.myspace.com/deathpenaltycd. This is a spark in the dry prairie we now see.

What must be done is this – we all have to get our supporters and fellow activists and revolutionary fighters together to start calling out all of these so-called conscious artists. Where are they? And what are they doing? They must be identified, reached out to and petitioned to get involved with the struggles ailing us – the death penalty, the prison industrial complex, and gang reform. And if they don’t get involved they must be exposed and picketed.

I’ve initiated this process with Ray Ramirez of the Welfare Poets. The concept is a Hip-Hop Guerilla Coalition of soldiers such as: Welfare Poets, Mario Africa and the AWOL crew, Dead Prez, RBG (Revolutionary But Gangsta) Family/People’s Army, Spearhead, the Coup, TKASH, Paris, KRENO, Muhammad 2G, and the Cruel and Unusual Punishment CD collective to take lead as the vanguard. It’d be a blessing to see one like Fred Hampton Jr. of POCC take lead chairing this coalition. The vision is to use the power of hip-hop through all four of its elements to organize, educate and mobilize for the above mentioned causes. We’ll start at the grassroots level and build upwards; then setting our sites on more mainstream conscious artists like Common, Talib Kweli, Mos Def, the Roots, Erykah Badu, Lauryn Hill, Jill Scott, Nas, etc. It is these widely known artists that must be pursued in aggressive ways to get them involved – really involved – in the things they talk about. We need to stop feeling inconvenienced to do this.

Through this coalition we must focus strongly on two areas: Independent radio like Pacifica and Independent publications like AK press and AWOL magazine. We are disempowered because we cannot reach the masses. We have no major avenues or alternatives to offer.

If this coalition was to aggressively pursue an artist like Nas or Kanye West, what’s $50,000 to them? They got that on they neck! Jay-Z talks about the hood, so how about cutting a measly $25,000 to AWOL magazine or Pacifica Radio to push the cause! This is why we need square business soldiers in they face! I’ve never been more serious about anything in my life.

Texas executes more people than any state. What if Rap-A-Lot threw a concert? That’s 10,000 youths EASY! Why are we letting our own (who use, exploit, and gain off of us) get off so easy?

The Welfare Poets’ CD is not the first of its kind. Political prisoners like Mumia (who commented on hip-hop in an earlier issue of 4strugglemag) has had CDs done about him, Marilyn Buck also. We need to consolidate these resources to carry out the above. We can then mobilize the masses, create a network for PP/POW/POCs, raise funds and media attention. If we can make this Hip-Hop Guerilla Coalition we can face off with the millionaires in the game like Russell Simmons, Rock-a-fella and Bad Boy and demand they do something. No is not an option. We need more Pacifica Radio stations opened, we need to demand that artists who bump about being a Guerilla Unit to purchase some Che/Lenin/George Jackson guerilla material and get it to the needed areas. These artists that talk about swanging, banging and slaning need to be doing that on execution nights – after all, some of these young folk come from the same hoods as some of these artists. And if they don’t step up to the plate we need to do the same things our elders did when fighting for change – picket ‘em, march on ‘em, talk about ‘em, sit in on ‘em, agitate ‘em, piss ‘em off, don’t buy from ‘em. If it ain’t a game we need to stop acting like it.

Here from Texas’ death row – as a nobody – I’ve taken the above steps with the Welfare Poets. These brothers are REAL. Brother Ray Ramirez has been inside these walls to visit me and fellow comrade Tony Ford, he’s seen my family and my attorney. This is real brotherhood and activism. Anything less should be vehemently rebuffed.

I have enclosed an abundance of articles, documents, photos and addresses to the 4struggle family to witness all I’ve said and also look into these things since they are acting as a facilitator for this dialog. I extend my hand in solidarity for this cause as it’s one that I’m living. I did music before coming to death row in 1997, so I know first hand how it influences, thus this is personal to me. It’s time for us to grasp this by the horns. The real is this – hip-hop is this generation’s revolution and it’s time for us revolutionaries to step up and make it be. I’m willing and ready as long as I have breath.

4 L.I.F.E.

Haramia Ki Nassor

Kenneth Foster Jr. #1451768
Mcconnell Unit
3001 South Emily Drive
Beeville, TX 78102

NOTE: In August, 4strugglemag readers and thousands of others participated in demonstrations, petitions and phone campaigns to halt the execution of Texas prisoner Kenneth “Haramia” Foster. Haramia, a contributor to 4strugglemag and inspirational anti-death penalty activist, was scheduled to be executed on August 30, despite the fact that he did not murder anyone. A mere six hours before he was to be killed, Governor Rick Perry commuted Haramia’s sentence to life in prison. This is a HUGE victory, and a sign that our work for social justice CAN bring about change. At the same time, the struggle is far from over. Visit www.freekenneth.com to learn more about his case and to read his excellent poetry and articles.

Kenneth was wrongly sent to death row in 1997 under a draconian Texas legal statute called the Law of Parties. Charged with 3 others (2 getting prison sentences), Kenneth was forced to go to trial with the admitted shooter. Though the admitted shooter plead to acting on his own and with no help or direction from the others they were convicted nonetheless (mainly due to extraneous offences). Both men were sentenced to death: Kenneth's death sentence mainly coming down to driving the car. Unfortunately, the shooter was executed July 19, 2006.

In 2005, Kenneth received a ray of hope when his Federal judge threw out his death sentence, but in October 2006 the 5th circuit vacated that judgment. All appeals from that point on were denied, until in May 2007 Kenneth received a date of execution for August 30, 2007. At this point an international grassroots campaign - led by the Campaign to End the Death Penalty and Kenneth's Family and Friends - was launched.

From May 30th - August 30th an intense public outcry was heard. Going down to the wire (Kenneth was taken to the death house at the Walls unit and came within 6 hours of his scheduled murder)

Governor Rick Perry commuted Kenneth's sentence to life after the Board of Pardons and Paroles recommended the same in a 6-1 vote. The ruling was unprecedented and the FIRST ever commutation done by Rick Perry.

It was an amazing victory for the Anti-Death Penalty Movement. T his commutation undeniably shows how the death penalty can be abused, and the hard truth is there have been other men under the law of parties who did not make it and perhaps should have. Kenneth was just one who fought day in and day out to be heard, he built a support base and refused to give up.

Though Kenneth is now in general population (he must serve a full 40 years before being eligible for parole) we, his supporters, do not consider the fight done. Kenneth still has legal options pending to challenge his sentence and we plan to pursue all of them. Though we, and many others across the world, feel that Kenneth (through his personal growth and activism for others) has paid his debt to society and should be released, we, at the very least, feel that since Texas felt it Justice to give one of his co-defendants 35 years for TWO capital murder cases then we feel that since Kenneth was only charged with one that he should get HALF of what his co-defendant got. If Texas said that was Justice for his co-defendant then it should apply equally for Kenneth. We wont stop until that happens.

This site remains as a platform for that fight and also to keep Kenneth's bright mind and voiceout to society. We hope that this plight will touch you as much as it has touched those close to him. Even in this partial victory we continue to pray for the LaHood family and the Brown family and all those affected by this tragedy. Our goal is to bring as many good and positive things out of this situation, to turn a tragedy into a triumph. It can be done and pray and work for it.

Thank you all for your time and support.

Subliminal

by Ray Ramirez – Rayzer Sharp
The Welfare Poets
From the Rhymes for Treason album

Subliminal

Most rappers deal with the subliminal
Wanna be criminals
For them being unoriginal is habitual
But our lyrics are clinical
Can be a vehicle to cleanse the spiritual
Apprehend the one-dimensional

Too many rappers
pick up the mic with no insight -- donít know where to begin to write
think their rhymes are in-flight
and been tight
but theyíre so loose
cus all they produce is a dim light
one dimensional
unexceptional - unplentiful
unacceptable
and susceptible
to do more damage
than the state correctional
and itís perpetual
radios play like itís a festival of vegetables
hosted by the devil
celebrating being shot 41 times in your vestibule
can you imagine the bullets
as they enter you?
yet your rhymes are still so questionable
are you just a fool?
cus the young are so impressionable
so what I say is not fashionable
just rational
flow is so logical
my articles will blow your whole style
into particles
and weíll celebrate your fate
having barbeques
where we harbor views
where robbers are slewed
happily
and weíll have you there
so hopefully youíll change
your strategy
for itís a tragedy
they way you grab the mic
and rip it so averagely
savagely damage
the spirits that hang on to their sanity
fragilely
and youíre working with gravity
forcing down humanity
and youíre mad at me
cus we plan to free
your fans from your fantasy

Chorus

Youíre spitting blasphemy
at Godís children haphazardly
spreading an allergy
where everyone is panicking
living frantically practically
trying to purchase an identity
from worthless serpents
demonic servants
who search the earth surface
with the purpose of converting
every person to satanic worship
have a gigantic curtain
over the planetís hurtiní
as condition worsen
traditions are cursened
so our mission is serving
original Hip Hop
with no criminal intention
no subliminal message
weíre obvious with what we mention
liberationís our essence
no second guessing
just dispensing rhymes with
so much reflection and direction
weíre making too many connections
to say our culture is not a weapon
Hip Hop that is truly addressing
the needs of the people
and what weíre stressing

Chorus

Cus of oppression
we spit with so much aggression
have intensive sessions
where weíre pensive and cover extensive lessons
come to the conclusion
that even with all their expensive weapons
the only solution
to improve our situation
is revolution
so fuck inclusion
if we all try and all die
itíll be an improvement
can you hear the cries
from the blood in my eyes?
weíre not stuck on illusions
our death is an institution
backed by their constitution
so what weíre doing
the style weíre pursing
making sensitive liberals
even more apprehensive
as conservative find it
even more offensive
but their intentions to censor this
is senseless
slip right under their detections
with a stealth projection
this is a form of health protection
for the uninsured
from conception to death
to long after their resurrection
shit -- we know their transgressions
understand their deceptions
thatís why we continue these transmissions
to transform our conditions
and storm with no forgiveness
on the dawn of our resistance
the mourn of their destruction
we scorn at their corruption
telling the world
how they were formed
from hellís combustion
forcing you to rebel is our function
donít get sucked into suction
where your freedom
is auctioned to elections
your thoughts of progression
fall short to magicians
donít believe their superstitions
weíve had enough of crucifixions
better believe weíre
coming with an unseen commitment
so we aint submitting
better believe weíre
coming with an unseen commitment
so we aint submitting
we aint submitting

Chorus

Also check out the compilation Cruel and Unusual Punishment, inspired by Texas death row inmate and activist Hasan Shakur (Derrick Frazier). This warrior struggled not only to save his own life, but the lives of any and everyone on death row in the united states. He was unjustly executed by the barbaric state of Texas on August 31st 2006.

www.welfarepoets.com

Rappers Need to Speak Out About Political Injustices

by Davey D
(From Oct. 3, 2007 SF Bay View)

Critics of hip-hop complain about A-list artists who'd rather "shuck and jive" than try to inspire and uplift listeners. The commentators point to the heyday of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements in the late 1960's and early'70's, when popular artists such as Sly and the Family Stone, Marvin Gaye, the Temptations, James Brown and the Jackson 5 fearlessly weighed in on issues and recorded songs reflecting the social climate and politically charged sentiments of the Black community. Whether it was the Black Arts Movement, led by spoken-word artists such as Amiri Baraka, Sonia Sanchez and Ishmael Reed, or the Last Poets, Harry Belafonte and Gil Scott-Heron, there is no denying that the predecessors of hip-hop played a galvanizing role in particular causes. Not only did they provide searing and inspiring soundtracks for these movements, but they also gave voice to perspectives those in power would have preferred to ignore.

Thirty years later, a number of compilation albums-- including "Talk to Me" and "Black Power: Music of a Revolution" - are here to remind us of how cultural expression was used as a social weapon. Today's rap critics acknowledge there are still political artists, including Mos Def, Talib Kweli, Dead Prez and Public Enemy, but don't rank them as high as Gaye or Sly Stone, whose music was always heard on the radio. Rarely do we hear, much less see, today's political artists on mainstream outlets. If music from the Black community was once a tool for liberation, it could be argued the music is now just another tool of oppression, because many highly visible artists remain silent or create distractions from the important community issues. For example, during the past month we've been subjected to endless discussion about whether 50 Cent's new album would outsell Kanye West's, while the focus should have been on the case of the Jena 6 - six Black high school students arrested in Jena La., for allegedly beating a white student. At one point, the charges they faced could have sent them to prison for 50 years. Even now, they still face assault charges that carry terms up to 20 years in prison. The truth of the matter is that many artists 35 years ago became political only after the community demanded it. They didn't lead the movement; they followed it. 'A case in point is Brown, who wrote "Say it Loud - I'm Black and I'm Proud" after taking heat from organizations such as the Black Panthers and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.

In fact, it wasn't unusual for leaders such as H. Rap brown -now known as Imam Jamil Al-Amin - to argue that popular entertainers had very little power. He cited Brown and jazz great Lionel Hampton as artists being used as tools in a system that oppressed Blacks. Much of the criticism of that period is similar to the arguments raised against today's popular artists. That was apparent last week, when I visited Jena to support the Jena 6. An estimated 60,000 people showed up in the town of 3,000, the overwhelming majority from the hip-hop generation.

A number of rap artists also came, including Mos Def, Salt N Pepa, Bun B of UGK and Ice Cube, as well as local independent artists. When we caught up with Mos Def, he said it was too bad more of his peers didn't come to Jena. The absence of some of hip-hop's biggest stars was noticed by others in the crowd. One woman wondered if Diddy and Jay-Z were there. They weren't. Someone else wanted to know if 50 Cent or Kanye West would set up a fund in behalf of the Jena 6, or at least speak out in their behalf. As more of today's political issues become too big to ignore, artists who talk loud but say nothing, will become increasingly irrelevant. 50 Cent vowed that, if his CD didn't outsell Kanye West's, he'd retire. Well, if he and others don't get in step with their audience on important issues, they'll have no choice but to hang up the microphone, because no one will be paying attention.

Section Three: Anti-Imperialist Struggles in the Basque Land (Spain) and the Middle East

ETA and the Basque Peoples' Struggle for Justice and National Liberation

by Txiki Iratze

The fascist dictator Francisco Franco ruled Spain from 1939 until his death in 1975. He was one of the leaders of the failed coup d'etat against the democratically elected Popular Front made up of Socialists, Communists, and Anarchists. This failed coup d'etat evolved into the Spanish Civil War which began in 1936 and ended in 1939. The repression the Basque people endured under Franco was brutal and it is no coincidence that during Franco's dictatorship, we see the emergence of ETA and the beginning of its many actions throughout the years. But what is ETA? Why was ETA formed? Why does ETA still exist today? I will look at these issues in this essay. I also want to focus on the situation of the Basque Country after the death of Franco with the emergence of a so-called “democracy” in Spain. How has this “democracy” affected the Basque peoples' struggle for national liberation.

The Basque Country is made up of 7 provinces, 4 are on the Spanish side: Nafaroa, Gipuzkoa, Bizkaia, Araba. 3 are on the French side: Lapurdi, Benafaroa, Zuberoa. As an old Basque graffiti states: “4+3=1”. The Basque people are an ancient people who speak Euskera. It is said to be one of the oldest languages in Europe, possibly pre-dating the Indo-European languages. No one has ever found a linguistic relative to Euskera. Some say it may be linked to Finnish or Hungarian, but there is no conclusive evidence to connect these languages. There are numerous reports that when early explorers arrived in North America, they encountered First Nations people who spoke Basque. In other accounts Indigenous People of North America and Basques learned and intermingled each other's languages. The Basques were renowned sailors, fishers of cod and whale, so it is quite possible that they had reached North America on these expeditions. The question that is still not known is when had this taken place.

The Basque Country, Euskadi or Euskal Herria in Basque, is a country accustomed to fighting against occupation forces and is a people used to defending their land and their culture against invaders. Throughout history many, from the Visigoths to the Romans, have tried unsuccessfully to invade the mountains of the Basqueland, for it is a very strategic point that connects Spain with the rest of Europe. The Basques have for centuries, resisted militarily and culturally, so what we see today, is unfortunately nothing new to the Basque people.

When the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936, Franco had said that the only solution to the Basque “problem” was the complete annihilation of Basque nationalists. So an assault on Bilbo was urged and German Nazi commanders advised the Spanish Fascists that aircraft could destroy the morale of the enemy, and it was also agreed that no attempt was to be made to spare civilians. The Germans sent bomber and fighter planes, tanks, and motorized artillery and 12,000 troops to help Franco's fascist army. The tactical decision to attack Gernika a town in the province of Bizkaia in the Basque Country on April 26, 1937 was most probably jointly made by Franco, the Italians and the Germans. The attack was deliberately chosen on a market day and at the time of day in which the market was at its busiest. Modern bombers dropped huge amounts of splinter and incendiary bombs, for maximum destruction to buildings. And as people fled, the airplanes flew in low and killed them with heavy caliber machine guns.

This year also marked the fall of the Basque rebels in Bilbo, and the Basque government, the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) was forced into exile or went underground. Two years later in 1939, Franco won the civil war, and this period marked the beginning of a dark, tragic period for the people of the Basque Country as well as for many people in Spain.

Once World War II had ended, and with the defeat of Hitler and Mussolini, there was a strong belief within the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) that western powers would defeat Franco's fascist regime. However, after 1951 Franco and the US made an alliance and the United Nations ended its international embargo on Spain. Many people were frustrated with the PNV's passivity in dealing with Franco.

Under Franco, not only was there political repression, but also a cultural and linguistic one: the Basque language was banned, as was any sign of Basque nationalism such as the Basque flag, the ikurrina. Franco would decree numerous states of exceptions (suspension of constitutional guarantees) and martial law would be imposed sometimes even lasting up to two years at one time. In 1975, just months before Franco's death, he decreed a state of exception for the provinces of Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa, some two to three thousand Basques were detained during another one of these decrees, large numbers of them were tortured and held incomunicado for weeks.

In response to the violent repression from Franco's government and to the PNV's passivity, a group of young Basque nationalists formed the organization called Euskadi ta Askatasuna or ETA (Euskadi and Freedom) on July 31, 1959. For many, ETA came to symbolize the only alternative to confront a fascist regime. By the end of 1959, ETA had about 200 to 250 members. The members began studying about armed liberation movements, in particular those in Tunisia and Palestine.

In 1962 ETA's Executive Committee issued their first declaration of purpose: “ETA is a clandestine organization whose only objective is to obtain as rapidly as possible and using all means necessary – including violence- the independence of Euskadi.”

By 1967, there were around 450 members, and according to a publication called “The Official Ideology of ETA”, ETA was at that point a Basque socialist national liberation movement defining its nationalism as “revolutionary nationalism” that would fuse the Basque people and their struggle for national liberation with the working class for “social liberation”. State violence was an every day occurrence in the Basque Country; the environment was one of extreme violence and repression. During the 1960's and 1970's,with the number of political prisoners in the thousands in a country as small as Euskadi, meant that the repression was a generalized personalized experience. For many this came to mean a rejection of state violence, and therefore a complete rejection of the Spanish state.

What is interesting about the actions of ETA, although they could not inflict the same amount of violence that the Spanish state could inflict, the symbolism of ETA's violence set ripple waves all through the country. An example of this was in ETA's first action causing death: the assassination of the police commissioner Meliton Manzanas in August 1968. Manzanas had acquired a reputation as a brutal and sadistic prison official who especially enjoyed beating and torturing Basques. In response to this action, the Spanish government made more than six hundred arrests. And in 1969 nearly two thousand Basques were arrested, and about half of these were retained in custody, tortured and eventually tried and convicted of a variety of crimes against the state, none had anything to do with the with the death of Manzanas.

Throughout the years, ETA would expropriate banks, kidnap business people for ransom, place car bombs, assassinate politicians, policemen, soldiers, and judges. One of the most noteworthy actions carried out by ETA commandos, was in December 20, 1973. The target was Luis Carrero Blanco, due to be Franco's successor and who, everyone knew, would make sure Francoism would continue even after Franco's death. That morning of 1973, sixty-five pounds of dynamite stopped this, the explosion under Blanco's car was so intense, that it sent his car several stories high over the top of a building. A popular comment after that was “Un bache más, un cabrón menos” one more pothole, one less asshole. A year after Franco's death in November 1975, the transition to a so-called democracy began. But the post-Franco administration was composed largely of former Francoists, which continued to use many of the same methods. Manuel Fraga for example, a minister under Franco was one of the writers of the new Spanish constitution in 1978. He also founded the right wing political party, later re-named the People's Party, and was the president of the region of Galicia for the next 15 years.

In 1976, ETA created the Basque Revolutionary Party (EIA) and in 1978 they became a legal political party and a new more radical electoral coalition appeared in the Basque Left as Herri Batasuna (HB). In 1978 Herri Batasuna and their coalition parties said no to the Spanish Constitution, which denied the right of Basques for self-determination and placed the Spanish monarchy as head of state. In the first election, Herri Batasuna won over 170,000 votes.

For Basques, the republican movement in Ireland is a sister struggle, and ETA and the Irish Republican Army have historic links going back to the 1970's. Also, some similarities in operations of both ETA and the Provisional IRA suggest that the groups have swapped techniques and maybe even arms and explosives. Herri Batasuna and Sinn Fein have also maintained relations for years.

From 1982 to 1996, a socialist government of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) ruled Spain. The prime minister of the PSOE, Felipe Gonzalez authorized a secret vigilante death squad called GAL (Anti-Terrorist Liberation Groups). This paramilitary group was set up in the early years of his administration, and they carried out kidnappings, bombings, and the torture and assassination of suspected ETA members. During 1983 and 1987 GAL agents killed 28 people. The GAL were later uncovered, and many people rejected the PSOE and refused to vote for them in the next general election.

As a result, the conservative right wing People's Party won the elections in 1996. From 1996 to 2004, prime minister Jose Maria Aznar set out to destroy ETA. His government introduced new anti-terror laws that were used to ban Herri Batasuna. The repression in the Basque Country also took the form of shutting down of media, banning of social organizations and other political parties, voiding tens of thousands of votes, jailing citizens for taking part in legal demonstrations, and banning marches and other similar events. All this was very similar to Franco's “state of exception”. In 2003, the Spanish government judicially declared Herri Batasuna illegal by court ruling. Although Herri Batasuna remains legal in France, it is included in the European Union's list of terrorist persons and organizations.

These new laws and regulations for the “struggle against terrorism” has come to signify that people arrested under these new anti-terror laws can be held incomunicado for up to five days, with absolutely no contact with their families or a lawyer. The use of torture is widespread and people have reported being beaten, being suffocated with plastic bags, being suffocated in bath tubs, electric shocks to the body and to the genital area, being threatened with the torture of family members and loved ones.

Also, there is a strong element of sexual torture in the case of women detainees. To maximize the humiliation and degradation of women, they are almost always made to strip naked and remain naked throughout the entire session of interrogation, while being fondled by the interrogators. Rape is also a common occurrence; one woman was even raped with a loaded gun. Confessions extracted under torture are then used in a court of law, and when the detainees have informed the judge about their torture, this is met with no response and no investigations have been opened against the torturers. There have been five reported deaths; one of them was a woman, as a consequence of the torture in these police detention centers. There are currently 639 Basque political prisoners being held in Spanish and French jails, and it is not a coincidence that the Basque Country is the territory in Europe with the highest density of police: there is the Guardia Civil, National Police, the Basque Regional police, and military police.

The Spanish State has also imposed the policy of dispersal of Basque political prisoners. The prisoners are sent to jails far away from the Basque Country and are prevented from having contact with one another. The families and friends of those imprisoned have to travel hundreds of miles to visit with them. These travels also impose a great economic burden on the families that have to spend on gas, car rentals, etc. The number of road accidents caused by these long journeys is also a frightening figure. On February 28, 2004, Juan Carlos Balerdi's mother and brother died, and his father was seriously injured on their way to visit him 500 miles away from their hometown. Since the imposition of this dispersal policy, 16 people have died in car accidents on the way to visit their loved ones.

Isolation is also applied disproportionately to Basque political prisoners. According to the Spanish penitentiary law, the maximum time a person can be held in isolation is 42 days. Some Basque prisoners however, are kept for years: Satur Lopez de Paria spent nearly 13 years of his 22 incarcerated in isolation.

Every year for over 30 years now, there is a demonstration held on Sept. 9th to honor detained relatives and friends. In 2007, a Spanish judge, Baltasar Garzon, banned the demonstration. Despite this ban thousands took to the streets to take part. They were repressed violently by the police and many were injured and arrested. One month after the demonstration, two representatives of Batasuna were arrested and charged with attending the demonstration. On October 4, the rest of the Batasuna leadership, 23 people were arrested. The next day their houses were searched, all electronic and written material was confiscated. Six of those have been released after they had to pay millions of euros in bail. The other 17 people have been given unconditional prison terms.

By banning the demonstration the Spanish state is showing that they do not accept the freedom of attending demonstrations; repressing it, they are showing that they are able to charge on defenseless people with sticks, rubber bullets, kicks and punches; these last arrests show that they do not accept that people organize themselves within political parties or organizations supporting Basque political prisoners.

Even today, under the guise of democracy and under the guise of fighting terrorism, the Spanish state is violently attacking the people of the Basque Country. They do so, clinging to the fascist ideal of united, homogeneous, “great” and submissive Spain. The conflict of the Basque Country and Spain in one of imperialism. It is the imperialists who want to destroy a language, a culture, a people and their struggle for self-determination. Resistance to this imperialism has taken many forms: that of electoral politics, a cultural-linguistic revival, armed resistance. It is for the people of Euskadi to decide in which forms they will struggle to achieve their freedom, and for us to stand by them in solidarity with those choices.

ETA still exists today as a military-political organization, and it will continue to exist until the Basques have complete independence. In a communiqué from ETA on September 8, 2007 they state, “until we reach the democratic conditions that allow the defense of political projects of the Basque Country, ETA will continue striking the structures of the Spanish state on all its fronts.”

For more information on Basque Political Prisoners visit www.behatokia.info, www.stoptortura.com, or www.etxerat.info.

Iran, Neoliberalism, and the Capitalist Crisis

Iran Solidarity Group

It has become commonplace now to hear Iran mentioned in the mainstream media. The war drum of U.S. Imperialism continues to beat louder much like it did in the days leading up to the invasion of Iraq. We hear much about Iran’s nuclear program, its support for “international terrorism,” and the rants from its president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, in particular his call to “wipe Israel off the map.” The U.S. administration has blamed Iran for the destabilization of Iraq, openly stated that “all options are still on the table,” and recently pushed the U.N. Security Council to vote for sanctions against Iran, which will no doubt lead to the further suffering of the Iranian people, and amassed forces in all the neighboring countries including sending more forces to the Persian Gulf. It is not only among the U.S. neocons that we hear the saber rattling against Iran but even amongst the liberal politicians who continue to talk about the threat coming from Iran. This aggressive policy has caused the situation to be framed in a binary opposition of two states: the U.S. vs. Iran. As a result, and in reaction to the push for war, we hear much of the Left in the West voicing support for the Islamic Republic and Ahmadinejad as an anti-imperialist force fighting the mighty U.S. to protect its sovereignty. We hear support for an authoritarian capitalist regime that sent thousands of activists and organizers to their deaths in the 1980s and today continues its brutality and repression in order to remain in power. This truly reveals the fallacy of much of the thought of the Left in the west and its so-called anti-imperialism. What we rarely ever hear mentioned is the role of the rising social movements in Iran and the role they play in the current crisis, and that this crisis, more that being simply a matter of two states, is part of the greater crisis of the world capitalist system. We hope that we can briefly provide some context to the current crisis and that it is not the Iranian regime, but the rising social movements, and their struggles which provide the best obstacle to imperialism; and the United States more than being a force for promoting democracy in Iran is in fact, through its actions, providing an obstacle to the struggles for democracy and social justice in Iran and the world over.

Reconstruction, Neoliberalism and the IMF

In the Post-Iran-Iraq War period, after the death of Ayatollah Khomeini and the destruction of the revolutionary Left as a force, Iran went through a reconstruction period that still continues. During this period the regime began to institute many neoliberal policies and cooperating with the mandates of the International Monetary Fund in order to promote economic growth and as a result incorporate Iran even more into the global capitalist world system. Iran’s system should be best described as state capitalist. The state is the central force for capital accumulation in Iran, making capital and the state fully united. All investment, foreign or domestic, must pass through the filter of the state, giving great economic power to those who also control the state apparatus. The most important asset with provides the foundation for the state is also the most important commodity in the world capitalist system: Oil. During the reconstruction period the state went ahead and began to institute many neoliberal structural arrangements such as privatizing many key industries and removing many import subsidies under the presidency of Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Key industries were put up for sale and quickly bought up by many in or close to the ruling power structure at extremely low prices. Local manufacturing was driven even further into the ground and many plants closed as imported good came flowing in even faster while those that serve as middle men reaped in the profit. The value of the Rial continued to drop as the regime removed foreign exchange controls in response to dictates from the IMF.

As with neoliberalism everywhere the reforms meant profitability for some poverty for many. The reforms brought mass unemployment and economic hardship while many in the ruling clique; Rafsanjani in particular became unbelievably rich, leading him to be called by many, “Akbar Shah.” Rafsanjani is now the richest man in Iran and one of the richest men in the world. Arising out of the low economic productivity of the war years and its immediate aftermath Iran hit an economic boom, particularly with the global rise in the price of oil. The masses of people saw little if anything from this economic boom. They saw the little security they did have wither away before the great wealth being amassed by the capitalist class.

The late 1990s saw some riots and outbursts of frustration to the pressures put on people as a result of these neoliberal arrangements, causing the extreme rise in the cost of food and housing. These economic policies, plus the desire for more democratic freedoms led to the election of Muhammad Khatami and the “Reform Movement,” in 1997. Khatami continued the economic policies of his predecessor while standing on a platform of greater freedom of expression, democratic reform, and the promotion of civil society. It was during this period that we witnessed the rise of the student movement and women’s movement as political forces. It should be noted that it was not the reformist government that brought about the rise of these movements, but quite the contrary, these movements helped bring Khatami and the reformists to power. The closing of a reformist newspaper by the state sparked student demonstrations in June 1999 that were responded by attacks by pro-government vigilantes. This sparked off even more demonstrations that spread to other cities. This is generally regarded as the beginning of the new student movement in Iran. This opening of democratic space was short-lived as the state responded with the full force of the state in jailing students, closing newspaper and even resorting to killing dissident intellectuals. The students and women realized the poverty of electoral politics after losing faith in Khatami and realizing that true power does not lie in the hands of the elected officials.

The Birth of the New Labor Movement

In January 2004, the workers at the Khotanabad copper factory in southwestern Iran stages a sit-in at the factory gates in response to the closing of the factory and the sacking of the majority of the workers. The state responded with repression, sending in helicopters to fire on the workers. With the spread of word of the massacre worker action spread across the country. The Khotanabad massacre marks the beginning of the new labor movement in Iran. Since that time workers organization and actions against capitalist onslaught have continued with increasing radicalization.

In the same month another important strike action took off at the Iran Khodro car plant, one of the largest car manufacturers in the Middle East. The workers of Iran Khodro are organized and represent some of the most militant workers of the Iranian working class. In March of 2004, the teachers came on the scene. Most of Iran’s teachers are women and many of the walkouts and strike actions by the teachers’ unions have been led by women. Nurses, textile workers, brickmakers…from the most advanced industry to the most underdeveloped, workers have been organizing and taking action.

On May Day 2004, security forces attacked a demonstration in Saqqez. The town had recently organized a shora, or workers council. Many were arrested but seven were charged. These came to be known as the Saqqez Seven. The trial continued until 2006, and currently one of the seven, Mahmoud Salehi, sits in prison. Out of this event came the establishment of the Komiteye Hamahangi or the Co-coordinating Council for Workers Organizations in Iran. Some of the main organizers are members of the Saqqez Seven, including Salehi. Their declaration called for the abolition of wage labor and the forming of workers council as the means to overthrow capitalism and as the organs for a future society and was signed by 3,000 workers.

At around the same time we witnessed the formation of another workers network with the intention of better coordination of activity. This organization is named Komiteye Peygiri, or Follow-up Committee for the Establishment of Free Workers’ Organizations in Iran, with the collection of 4,000 names of workers at it’s founding.

The Presidential election of 2005 saw the rise of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his populist government. He came to power on a platform of social justice, fighting against corruption, and denouncing those that have amassed great wealth in the face of extreme poverty. He was presented as a man of the people and his supporters organized support amongst the working poor. He won by a landslide. One reason for this was that he was running against one of the most despised man in Iran, Hashemi Rafsanjani. Rafsanjani represents the ultimate in corruption and economic inequality for the majority of Iranians. It was the fat-cat capitalist versus a humble man from sou th Tehran.

Since his presidency began he has done nothing to slow the neoliberal onslaught. He is not capable even if he wanted to. The real power does not lie in his hands but in those that control the means of production and in turn control the state apparatus. He has no base independent of the state. His main base of support comes from the Pasdaran, the Revolutionary Guard, of which he himself was a member. But the Pasdaran are in the end answerable to the clerics in power, not to the president. Why should we expect anymore? Many in the west still continue to see him as a revolutionary or some sort of radical because of his populist talk. It is a shame that still to this day many in the Left cant decipher between populism and revolution. Like most populism, Ahmadinejad’s is a way to channel class frustrations in a way that is not challenging to capital. But the contradictions of capitalism are still rising to the fore and he is unable to stop them from rising even further. The crisis must be projected outward in order to prevent an explosion inside. Hence we have all the ranting against the U.S. and the issue over the nuclear program.

Oil is the main export for Iran. It provided the base on which the Islamic Republic stands. But oil is only profitable when sold on the world market. But a large part of Iran’s oil is consumed domestically, supported by large subsidies. In order to increase profitability the state needs to find another source of domestic energy in order to free up a large amount of oil to sell on the world market. That’s where nuclear energy comes in. The other option would be to remove the subsidies for the people, but that could lead to unrest as was witnessed a couple of months ago when people set gas stations ablaze in protest at the slightest sign of rationing.

May Day 2005 saw the largest labor demonstration in Iran since the 1979 Revolution, and every May Day since has resulted in a growing turnout and more confrontation with security forces. The resurrection of the labor movement and its radicalization has had an effect on the student and women’s movements. Seeing the failures of reformism they did not accept defeat and with the growth of the labor movement have gone even farther to the left and have engaged in solidarity strikes and demonstrations with the workers. When in the late 1990s the students were demanding basic democratic freedoms they now are challenging the capitalist system as a whole. The women’s movement, over the past decades has grown into a dynamic movement covering all class lines and backgrounds. With the rise of the labor movement we are hearing the voice of working class women come to the surface. Women make up a large number of both the student body and the workforce. As we mentioned above it was mainly women organizers leading the teachers' strikes. In many cases they feel the oppression of capitalism greater than their male counterparts, while at the same time they feel that they have burdens greater than their sisters in the women’s movement. It is our opinion that it will be this force that will challenge all these elements to move in a more radical direction. It is here that we witness the intersection of genter and class.

In 2005, we witnessed the rise of the Tehran bus drivers union of the Sherkat-e Vahed Company. For a while now the workers had been frustrated over their conditions and decided that the only way to get their grievances heard was to for their own organization. Some of the main organizers had experience in organizing and were members of Komiteye Peygiri. Their initial meeting for the establishment of the union was attacked by the state and many members were arrested. This resulted in strike action that swept through the capital. They had many demands, among them the release of their fellow workers. The strike actions continued through 2006 until the release of Mansour Ossanlou the leader of the Sherkat-e Vahed bus drivers union. An important aspect of this struggle is the outpouring of solidarity that has been evident. Workers from other factories in Iran demonstrated in support and around the world we have seen the largest show of international solidarity against the labor policies of the Islamic Republic. Since then Ossanlou has been arrested and released twice and currently he sit in the notorious Evin prison and an international campaign has been growing demanding his and Mahmoud Salehi’s release.

Earlier this year a step was taken which was a great accomplishment in order to further the struggle and to better organize actions across the country. In March, the Co-operation Council of Labor Organizations and Activists was formed, signed by Komiteye Hamahangi, Komiteye Peygiri, as well as a number of student unions and smaller labor organizations. This we see as an incredible step and the official uniting of the students into the labor movement.

The external factor that is causing much harm to the movement inside Iran is U.S. Imperialism and its threats of war. The pressure it put on Iran has put the country in a state of siege. This gives the Iranian regime the pretext to arrest any organizer under the charge of “threatening national security.” The U.S. neocons and President Bush’s designation of Iran as part of the “Axis of Evil,” has done nothing but harm to the movement inside Iran. It should be evident to anyone that the U.S. regime cares nothing for democracy in Iran; its track record shows this. Many on the Left have raised suspicion that the movements in Iran are supported by the U.S., in the same way as it supported the Solidarity movement in Poland. There is no doubt that the U.S would use any method it could to further its interests in the region. What people don’t realize is that the U.S. holds a different place in the collective consciousness of the Iranian people. The 1953 overthrow of Prime Minister Mossadegh and the installation of the Shah’s dictatorship setting back Iranian democracy is still very real in the narrative that exists amongst Iranians. Those pro-American Iranians we hear about on U.S. media are mainly wealthy Iranians who live far away from the hardship of the majority of people. Let us not forget that it was the working class that through the general strike of 1978 lent the deathblow to the U.S.-backed Shah’s regime, and it will be the workers who will do the same to this one.

Moreover, the Iranian workers understand the global significance of their struggle. We can witness in their statements that it is not just the owner of their particular factory or the Islamic Republic that they are struggling against, but the entire world capitalist system. They are well aware that the same force that steals life away from them is the same force that oppresses workers in Argentina, Nigeria, Guatemala, France…the world over.

What we are also witnessing take place is an inter-imperialist rivalry. U.S. Imperialism is losing its hegemony in the region and is desperately fighting to remain number one, while its rivals are moving quickly to take advantage. Since the 1979 Revolution Iran has been closed to U.S. corporations while Japan, China, Russia, France and others have filled the void. As oil's supply decreases as the global demand increases the U.S. is quick to want to gain control of new markets in order to prevent a crisis and a fall in the rate of profit. This would not just affect the U.S. but global Capital as a whole. That is why we see a conflict amongst policy towards Iran. There are many possibilities that may occur, war being one of them. . If this conflict degenerates into war it could be tragic for the entire world, but for the Iranian people in particular. Everything that that been described above and all that has been achieved by the struggle would completely disappear, while Capitals hand would be strengthened.

But taking U.S. Imperialism's situation in neighboring Iraq this doesn’t look like the immediate solution for them. What seems to be favored by many in the liberal wing of the U.S. establishment is the pushing of sanctions. This has been supported by some in the anti-war movement as an alternative to war. This is completely incorrect and should be opposed as much as outright military confrontation. This option is just imperialism with a different face. Sanctions would just bring about further starvation and misery for the people while strengthening the regime. This is of no concern to those making the decisions, it never has been. Those that do not support an invasion but support sanctions and negotiations with the Islamic Republic are just looking to bring the regime to the table in order to open Iran’s markets up for investment. They are just conflicting on the best way to go about it. We believe that there is no peace as long as the social war continues. There is no peace while the masses of mankind starve while the few rest upon their shoulders. The only way out is a revolutionary change brought about the world over, in Iran and also here within metropolis of world capitalism. Our only true allies are not the Iranian regime, but the people organizing to bring about a change and overthrow this system that continues to perpetuate war and destruction, stealing the very essence of life away from humanity the world over. Let us work towards that end.

For Humanity, Against Neoliberalism.

Etehad, Mobarezeh, Piroozi!

Unity, Struggle, Victory!

Iran Solidarity Group

iransolidariygroup@yahoo.com

From Siahkal to the People’s Army: The People’s Fedaiyan and Revolution

by Arya Zahedi

In the late 1960’s the younger generation that had been involved in the Tudeh Party and the National Front became frustrated with the defeatism, gradualism and conservatism of the older generation. After the repression of the June 1963 uprising and the consolidation of the Imperial regimes power and influenced by the Cuban, Vietnamese, and Algerian experiences this generation came to believe that armed struggle was the only option that could lead toward liberation and socialism in Iran. Many of these younger cadres began to form small groups in various cities, mostly around college campuses. Three of these groups merged to form the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedaiyan Guerillas. On February 8, 1971, a group of Fedaiyan attacked the gendarmerie post at the Siyahkal village in northern Iran. The state responded with overwhelming force arresting those that were not killed in the battle. Those that were arrested were executed or died under torture or, in the case of one sentenced to life prison terms. This was a defeat in military terms put an incredible propaganda victory. This event marked the initiation of armed struggle in Iran.

In February 1979, the monarchy in Iran fell to a popular revolutionary movement. The Fedaiyan lost many members to the state in the pre-revolutionary years, but emerged during the revolution as the largest armed Marxist organization, swelling in members and supporters. In the immediate post-revolutionary period the Fedaiyan split into factions and underwent both extreme repression and dissolution. In this essay I hope to provide an analysis of the theoretical ideas of the main Fedaiyan theorists and the debates that took place during the period of intense armed struggle from 1971-1976.

The groups that merged in 1971 to become the Fedaiyan consisted of cells from Mashad, Tehran, and Tabriz. The cell from Tehran was led by Bizhan Jazani (1937-75) and Hasan Zia-Zarifi (1937-75). Jazani was an important member of the Tudeh Youth Organization and the National Front Student Movement. After the coup he formed a group which went underground. After the events of 1963, and events going on around the world, the group eventually accepted armed struggle. Other important members of this group were Ali Akbar Safai-Farahani (1939-1971) and Hamid Ashraf (1946-76). In February 1968, a number of the group’s members, including Jazani and Zia-Zarifi, were arrested by the secret police, SAVAK. Safai-Farahani went to Palestine and joined the struggle there to get weapons and training. He would return to lead the Siyahkal uprising. Ashraf stayed and helped keep the group going and recruited new members. He would become leading organizer of guerilla activity of the Fedaiyan until his death at the hands of the state in 1976.

The group from Mashad was led by Massoud Ahmadzadeh (1947-72) and Amir Parviz Puyan (1947-71). Both of these individuals came from more religious backgrounds and were involved in the National Front. They had founded some religiously oriented political groups in Mashad, and it has been said that they were even involved with the Islamic-Nationalist Liberation Movement of Iran. In 1965, Ahmadzadeh moved to Tehran to go to university, and in 1967 Puyan joined him. By that time both had embraced Marxism and soon came to fully embrace armed struggle as the only option.

This group had soon made contact with another cell in Tabriz. This group included Behrooz Dehghani (1939-73), and the writer Samad Behrangi (1939-68). Behrangi was a schoolteacher who became famous for his stories The Little Black Fish and Twenty-Four Hours Adrift. His mysterious death was attributed to SAVAK and this raised him to a level of a martyr. Behrooz Dehghani would later emerge as a hero to the Fedaiyan when he died under torture. In April 1971 these groups merged to become the Fedaiyan.

As was briefly mentioned above, on February 8, 1971 a group of guerillas led by Ali-Akbar Safai-Farahani, attacked the gendarmerie post at the village of Siahkal in Iran’s northern province Gilan. This event would mark the initiation of armed struggle in Iran and the ascension of the guerilla movement to the center of the opposition movement. It set a new standard for revolutionary groups in Iran and pushed others to armed action.

It also signified a clear break between the new generation of revolutionaries and the old guard of the Tudeh and the National Front. This situation was not unique to Iran, for in other countries during this period similar lines were being drawn between the Old and New Left. The increased militancy of the younger generation and the decision to take up armed struggle was taking place even in the west. The Weather Underground Organization in the United States, the German Red Amy Fraction, and the Red Brigades of Italy were all the result of similar developments. It seems to have been a global phenomenon which is perhaps revealing of the international nature of Capital and the struggle against it; especially the influence struggles can have on each other.

The Fedaiyan were important amongst the new generation of activists for their theoretical contributions. The works produced by some of the founders would have a lasting effect over what was to be referred to as the New Communist Movement of Iran. The first theoretical work, which was to have a significant influence on the rest of the movement, was an essay written by Amir Parviz Puyan entitled, The Necessity of Armed Struggle and the Refutation of the Theory of Survival. This was the first theoretical work written on the armed struggle by an Iranian Marxist. Puyan described the problematic situation that stifled the prospects for revolution was that the working class was overcome by “two absolutes,” the absolute strength of the imperial regime and the absolute weakness of the working class movement.

The various reasons for this state of affairs can be summed up in one thing: The worker considers the power of the enemy as absolute, as he considers his own inability absolute. When absolutely powerless, how can one think of liberation from an absolute power?

The dictatorship’s brutal suppression of all dissent and especially any forms of independent working class organization created a situation in which workers saw themselves as powerless in the face of the overwhelming power of the state. This has created a culture of passivity and apathy toward politics, which is encouraged by the regime in order to contain dissent and political action. The initiation of armed struggle would shatter these illusions. It would demonstrate to the people that the regime can be fought, shattering the illusion of the “absolute” power of the state--“The spell is broken and the enemy appears as a bankrupt magician.” In a situation where no form of democratic political life exists the only method of mobilizing people is through armed struggle.

Contacts with the proletariat which aim at drawing this class into political struggle, cannot be established but through the destruction of these two “absolutes” in their mind; thus, under present circumstances, in which no democratic possibilities for contact exist raising the level of political consciousness, and organization of the working class, proletarian intellectuals must establish ties with the masses through revolutionary power. Revolutionary power establishes moral ties between the proletariat and the proletarian intellectuals, and the application of this power in its continuity shall lead to organizational ties.

Puyan attacks groups which, by rejecting armed struggle, advocate what he termed the “theory of survival.” This meant organizations, in particular the Tudeh, which limit their activity to working within the system hoping to gain legitimacy, or criticizing the regime from exile. They refrained from taking offensive action in order to not cause the regime to crush what little gains have already been made. The idea that one must follow this path and wait for the opportune objective revolutionary conditions to arise was just a cover for these groups weakness. Puyan believed that this was tantamount to accepting defeat. It is not sufficient to just find the right political line and study theory, a revolutionary group must tie their theory to actual revolutionary practice, or else the group is not contributing to the growth of the revolutionary movement.

And we must demonstrate that the theory of (Let us not take the offensive in order to survive!) is in fact no more than saying (We shall allow the police to destroy us in embryo without the slightest resistance). If defeatism is the same as liquidationism, then there is no room for asking, “Why should we survive?” All the same, the posing of the question helps us much recognize the opportunistic nature of the above theory. The idea of “refraining from offensive” signifies the negation of all and any constructive endeavor aiming at the increasing the possibilities of revolutionary forces. Such a theory wishes to limit the struggle for meager possibilities not controllable by the enemy; that is, a simple gathering of elements not significant in numbers, in fact not exceeding one’s fingers; and then occupying oneself with the study of Marxism and history in total secrecy.

Amir Parviz Puyan’s short essay is important because it is representative of an important historical moment; it is theoretically expressive of the birth of the guerilla movement. It states its position and shows where it stands in relation to the traditional opposition. It is an effective propaganda piece in that it is both a declaration of war against the regime and a clear break with the Old Left. The essay marks a moment when, as Maziar Behrooz writes, “Right or wrong, for better or worse, the communist movement went on the offensive.”

And should secrecy together with revolutionary power be our conditions of survival, we must inevitably refute the theory of “survival,” that is the principle of refraining from the offensive.

Thus the theory of (Let us not take the offensive so as to survive) gives way to the policy of (In order to survive, we must take the offensive).

Another important theoretical work, which was to have an important effect on guerilla movement, was Massoud Ahmadzadeh’s Armed Struggle: Both a Strategy and a Tactic. It is a detailed study of the socio-economic conditions of Iran, and its class structure. Ahmadzadeh begins with an analysis of the land reform taking place under the “White Revolution,” and the effects it was having on Iranian society, in particular it’s class composition. His position is that the land reforms have not eased class conflict, but changes have taken place in the class composition. The reforms have broken down feudal relations and rapidly introduced capitalist relations.

In this brief examination we will show that the objective of the Land Reform has been the expansion of the economic, political and cultural domination of bureaucratic comprador capitalism in the rural areas. Its goal was not that of remedying any of the numerous ailments of the peasantry (so as to eliminate the grounds for revolutionary potential in the rural areas by directing peasant support toward the regime). Rather, due to its nature, the regime can only suppress the grounds for revolution in the countryside through the ever-increasing economic, political and cultural suppression, through the branching of its influence into the rural areas and through the expansion of the dominance of the corrupt bureaucracy.

The introduction of capitalist relations integrated Iran into the world capitalist system. But unlike the progression from feudalism to capitalism that took place in Europe, the Iranian national bourgeoisie is weak and could not be in a position to lead a revolution. The national bourgeoisie, in the sense of an industrial capitalist bourgeoisie, was defeated and undergoing a phase of decomposition. The new ruling class in Iran was the comprador bourgeoisie, united with the state and closely tied with the centers of international capital, with the peasantry was being pushed into the ranks of the proletariat.

In fact, as a result of the expansion of comprador capital into the rural areas, a closer relationship between the peasantry and the proletariat has developed. In the town, too, the brutal rule of comprador capital more than ever has caused the contradiction between the proletariat and the national bourgeoisie and specifically the petit bourgeoisie, to be overshadowed by the contradiction between them and comprador bureaucratic capitalism and imperialist domination. This process has developed through the confinement of any capitalist mode of production to that of comprador capitalism and through the bankruptcy and gradual elimination of the national bourgeoisie caused by the imperialist monopolies.

Since the comprador bourgeoisie was not an independent bourgeoisie, and could not rule by itself, it was dependent on imperialism. It relied on the imperialist powers to maintain their power and gained wealth acting as a conduit for imper